In West Germany, Maoist parties—which were frequently infiltrated by East German intelligence--acted based on their own interpretation of the Chinese Communist Party CCP line as transmitted by Radio Peking and the party newspapers received in bundles from the Foreign Languages Press in Beijing and sold at local leftist bookshops and demonstrations. In the U. Sohnya Sayres et al. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, Alexander C.
See also the pioneering piece by Robin D. This took different forms. Commonplace now, this was still an unusual and even shocking form of living in the s. At least dung can be used as fertilizer. Wolin, The wind from the east: French intellectuals, the cultural revolution, and the legacy of the s.
See also Gerd Koenen and Laura K. Diehl, "'Mao als Mona-Lisa der Weltrevolution. Maoismen im deutschsprachigen Raum, ed. Die Filme von Harun Farocki, ed. Amendt saw a link: both practices threatened the monopoly of opinion creation by the commercial media. In , Frederic Jameson proposed what remains one of the more daring hypotheses about the reception of Maoism in Europe and North America.
Did the turn to the geographically distant China actually produce, paradoxically, a turn to the politics of the intimate and the local on the Western radical left? Does the metaphor of the redoubt of Yenan illustrate or distort the dynamic of the social movements that emerged from ? Where, after all, does the interest in multidirectional Maoism come from? The political position of scholars of this topic is almost always less explicit than that of the mea culpa Maoists. Yet I would argue that they carry their own politics between or behind the lines.
Das rote Jahrzehnt. Unsere kleine deutsche Kulturrevolution 1967-1977.
The bomb failed to detonate, and information about the group and the attack lay buried in archives for decades. Extrapolating from the episode, Kraushaar draws larger conclusions about anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism in the latter years of the student movement. While the charge of anti-Semitism in the s New Left was nothing new, its currency in the student movement was thought to have been less tangible.
For some, like the Tupamaros West-Berlin, the Middle East replaced Vietnam as the central theater of the anti-imperialist struggle, Israel replaced the US as the main enemy, Zionism replaced fascism, Al-Fatah replaced the Viet Cong, and the Palestinians replaced the Jews as the victims. According to Kraushaar, the thin philo-Semitism of the student movement was punctured easily, opening the door to the more blatant forms of anti-Semitism. The second jolt delivered by Kraushaar concerned Rudi Dutschke, the iconic student leader who was shot in and died from attendant complications in But in an extended essay Kraushaar portrays a Dutschke who not only advocated revolution but actually put his words into practice.
Although there was plenty of talk about armed struggle in the period, it was considered to have remained rhetorical until the s when the urban guerrilla factions emerged and Dutschke was not politically active inGermany. Two further incidents set the tone for the debate.
Tuesday 22 November, 2011
First in , Mahler, who had served ten years in prison for armed robbery, expressed his sympathies for a volkish German nationalism and then in he joined the neo-fascist Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands. Although there was very little new information about the climax of the showdown between the West German state and the RAF, there was a flood of media attention around the decennial, including an array of documentary and feature films, an exhibition, several novels, and a play.
Born in , Aly studied in Munich and then in West Berlin where he participated in the student movement as of late In the early s he belonged to a short-lived Maoist group and then to Rote Hilfe, a solidarity group concerned with incarcerated urban guerrillas. For this reason, among others, Unser Kampf, which as the title implies draws parallels between the s students and the Nazis, came as such a shock and has received such vast media interest.
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Aly argues that both groups of student activists were deeply illiberal, those of the s — when shorn of their libertine, anti-authoritarian trappings — every bit as totalitarian in both theory and practice as their National Socialist predecessors. Like the Nazi students, the young Germans of the s endorsed collectivist notions of gemeinschaft over bourgeois liberal concepts of gesellschaft. Both movements rejected parliamentary democracy as a ploy of the powers-that-be, and called for university reform, politicization of the student body, and new faculty.
Thus the same students who lit candles for the murdered American president John F. Unconsciously, they redirected their furor from its initial object, their parents, to the state, the Federal Republic, which Aly argues had already begun liberalizing reforms and a self-critical processing of the Nazi past. The children of mass murders found themselves paying homage to Mao Se-Tung, another mass murderer. To begin with, more than one critic took the opportunity to call attention to the broad heterogeneity of the studentenbewegung.
And even within the Marxist-oriented SDS there was constant clashes and permanent discussion over almost every issue. Everywhere there were changes in the way people lived in western industrial societies. This reached much deeper into lifestyles and civilization than the rhetoric of a few political science students. In the same vein, others charged that the comparison of the s student movement with that of the s implicitly relativized the misdeeds of the Nazi-allied students, who constituted an important source of support and personnel for the regime.
In the old Federal Republic, observed one critic, such a gaffe would have resulted in censure, not media stardom. The republic, it seems, has entered a conservative era that will last for some time, if past experience is any measure. The up-and-coming young generations of Greens and the Social Democrats, as well as extraparliamentary groups like Attac, seem to be searching for new sources of legitimacy and inspiration, ones that pertain more directly to their own experiences.
In fact, there are Christian Democrat-Green black-green governments inHamburgandFrankfurt, which seem to be working quite well. Related Papers. The lives of the RAF revisited: The biographical turn. By Julian Preece. By Leith Passmore. By charity scribner. The philosopher and the terrorist. Why Sartre visited Andreas Baader. By Ruud Welten. Download file. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account?